What Plato Wrote

What Plato Wrote

Introduction

Plato’s dialogues, Timaeus and Critias (T&C hereafter) have been the subject of extraordinary amounts of debate and conjecture about the veracity or otherwise of the story presented by Critias. In modern times, we have the doubts and scepticism of some Classical scholars, who claim that Plato only used the Atlantis story as an allegory and morality tale involving the exemplary community of ancient Athens and their battle against the the once ‘godly’ people of Atlantis after their fall from grace due to contact with men of the earth. Other scholars have suggested there is some truth to some degree in the story and have posited various scenarios usually confined to sites within the Aegean and Mediterranean Seas for the location of the island; perhaps this is because of a difficulty in accepting the mobility of ancient people over large distances. But modern research shows that there was a great deal of movements over vast distances in ancient times. On the other hand, the story has been unquestioningly embraced by those who wish to live in a world where fantasy and dreams of a Utopia rising up from the past—usually from somewhere in the Atlantic Ocean—can create a bright new future. This is of course far removed from reality, and is far from benign in its influence, because it is fraught with the dangers of delusion and falsehood.

Almost certainly, Plato would have put a kind of morality spin on the story, but there is no good reason to doubt that he used what he understood to have been actual historical events to demonstrate the virtues of a decent society. It should be noted that he insisted at least seven times that the story of the war between Athens and the Atlanteans was a true one. And in other works he seems careful to ensure his words are understood in the right way.

As a member of the privileged Athenian family, he must have had extensive resources at his disposal. Plato has been referred to as the great synthesiser and in all likelihood he used this capacity to verify and expand on the story told by Critias; after all there was a vast narrative background of oral and written traditions that are relevant to this story that needed to be taken into account.

The following is an analysis of what Plato actually wrote, drawn from the translations of Benjamin Jowett (1817 – 1893), with occasional cross-referencing of Desmond Lee’s translation for the Penguin Classics series published in 1965. It is aimed at explaining how ancient dialogues might relate to a modern understanding of the ancient world and how misconceptions and mistranslation from ancient times have muddied the waters and limited our ability to accept the story as factual.

The case for the veracity of Plato’s T&C dialogues is supported to a large degree by the art and other artefacts found in the Grave Circles at Mycenae and other burial sites from the Mycenaean period. We should assume that most artwork of ancient times was always purposeful and usually narrative in nature; or at least referential to a narrative. Several images of Mycenaean artistry will be included to support the present hypothesis.

The story Critias tells was thought to have been brought to Greece around 600 BCE by Solon, a statesman said to have visited Neith–a district of Sais in Egypt–during the reign of ‘King Amasis’ who almost certainly was the reigning Pharaoh Ahmose towards the end of the Saitic period not long before the Persians established a foothold in Egypt, in 525 BCE. The priest with whom Solon spoke claimed a relationship between Egypt and Athens through the goddess Athena/Neith which implies a common early influence in the establishment of both Egypt and the Aegean cultures. General consensus has it that the cult of Athena was introduced to the Greek mainland from Asia Minor or the Levant, perhaps during the late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age.

An old priest told Solon there was a time, before the great deluge, when the city which now is Athens was first in war and in every way the best governed of all cities, is said to have performed the noblest deeds and to have had the fairest constitution of any of which tradition tells, under the face of heaven. The priest went on to tell Solon that Athena founded the city of Athens a thousand years before ours, receiving from the Earth and Hephaestus the seed of your race, and afterwards she founded ours [Neith], of which the constitution is recorded in our sacred registers to be eight thousand years old [all up, nine thousand years prior to Solon’s visit].

The eight and nine thousand years time span before the time of Solon would take us back to the very earliest known phases of settled communities. Even the earliest level of Jericho is dated to the early eighth millennium BCE; James Mellaart, (1976) has the Neolithic in Anatolia at Catal Huyuk dating to about 6500 BCE. The Natufian Origins of Agriculture following the Younger Dryas (ca. 11,000 to 10,300 B.P.) is regarded as the earliest manifestation of the ‘‘Neolithic Revolution’’. In the Levant it is known as the Khiamian, perhaps dating from as early as 10,500 B.P. [ca 8500 BCE] (Bar Yosef, 1998). Aurenche and Kozlowski (1999) have the Early Pre-Pottery Neolithic in the Amuq valley and Cilicia where the northern Levant meets Anatolia somewhere between 9200 and 8000 BCE. There are no known Neolithic settlements older than these.

This incongruity has always been one of the major obstacles to a sensible resolution of the Atlantis question. The extraordinary time-frame given by the priest, in combination with Plato’s description of a technology that belongs in part to his own era and certainly within the ages of metallurgy, is probably the main factor in the fantastic and false notion of an unknown super civilisation which has plagued the story in modern times and hindered its resolution.

Many writers on the subject hold the more realistic view that if the given number of years is divided by 10, a much more sensible picture emerges. In other words, if we go back 800 and 900 years before Solon’s visit to Egypt–less than 100 years after Amosis I liberated Egypt from the grip of the Hyksos rulers of the Second Intermediate Period–we end up with a date of about 1400 or 1500 bce. The records that Solon’s priest had access to would probably only have gone back to the time of Amosis I and the re-establishment of an Egyptian archive might have taken time to develop, leaving a short-fall in the number of years allotted to their chronology. If this were the case, an adjustment of two hundred years or so would set the end of the war and the catastrophic destruction at the time of the Thera eruption; which makes a lot more sense.

From Timaeus

The dialogues begin with Socrates addressing Timaeus, Critias and Hermocrates recounting the previous day’s meeting and he asks them to reciprocate with their own contributions. The opening stages are devoted to Socrates outlining his views of an ideal society and how it should be governed. His vision of an orderly, well run society was of one divided into four classes—farmers, craftsmen, the military and an elite class of philosopher-statesmen who make decisions for the welfare of all. But Socrates bemoans the fact that his model society is motionless… He says, I would be glad to hear some account of it engaging in transactions with other states. In other words, he would like to see a working example of the ideal state and he challenges the three companions to furnish him with ideas of just such a society. Perhaps this aspect of the dialogue induces analysts and commentators to assume that the T&C dialogues are works of fiction, constructed purely for this reason.

Socrates introduces the speakers who will contribute their wisdom to the question of how an ideal society might be brought into existence:

Timaeus’ contribution is in his vast knowledge of the nature of things. Critias is a statesmen with a story to tell. And it is widely held that Hermocrates was to have dealt with the subject on which Plato later Based the ‘Laws’ – the establishment and governance of a society. His part in the T&C dialogues did not take place for reasons that are not entirely clear. It’s possible Plato did not get to finish this particular work; perhaps because of interruptions; or perhaps it was more personal than is usually recognised. Plato is said to have been captured and held in Syracuse on Sicily which happened to be Hermocrates’ home town and it might be conjectured that Hermocrates was somehow involved in Plato’s imprisonment, creating bad feelings or resentment.

Hermocrates reveals to Socrates that Critias has a story he might find suitable for the purpose of illustrating the ideal society. Critias begins by telling Socrates the story of Solon, the wisest of the seven wise men who brought the story back from Egypt and vowed it was true. Critias then told Socrates of a tale which;-

Solon was a friend and relation of Dropides (Critias’ great grandfather), who told it to his son, Critias who was grandfather to our Critias of the dialogue who in turn seems to be Plato’s maternal uncle and became one of the thirty tyrants of Athens installed by the Locrians at the end of the Peloponnesian wars.

*The naming of a child after a grandparent was and still is a well held tradition in Greece and even throughout Europe.

The old Egyptian priest’s story continues:-

The story relates to the achievements of Athens long ago prior to the ‘greatest destruction of all’. This, in all probability was the Minoan eruption of Thera. Although evidence exists for many floods and destructions in ancient times, as far as is know, none were more catastrophic and widespread than this.

Around 600 BCE Solon was said to have visited Neith in the district of Sais Egypt during the reign of ‘King Amasis’ who almost certainly was the Pharaoh Ahmose who reigned at the end of the Saitic period just before the Persians established a foothold in Egypt, in 525 BCE. The priest with whom Solon spoke claimed a relationship between Egypt and Athens through the goddess Athena/Neith which implies a common early influence in the establishment of both Egypt and the Aegean cultures. This might further suggest that the cult of Athena was introduced to the Greek mainland–possibly at or near Athens in Attica–from Asia Minor or the Levant, perhaps during the late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age, creating conflict with the indigenous mainland Helladic peoples, thus giving Athena her warlike nature.

The story goes:-

A very old priests told Solon:-

Prior to the catastrophic eruption of Thera, the Cycladic/Minoan culture dominated the region so it can logically be deduced that any city in the vicinity of Athens prior to the destruction would have been an Aegean city. The archaeological site of Kolonna on the island of Aegina in the Saronic Gulf between the Peloponnese and Attica tells the story of a series of destructions and sudden cultural changes prior to the Thera eruption. It was after this catastrophe that the Mycenaeans rose to dominance in and around the Aegean Sea.

Solon asked about these former citizens. The priest replied, the goddess…

The timing of these founding events–if divided by a factor of ten–are of extreme interest and will be discussed in conjunction with an argument and reasons for a mistranslation of large numbers. Aegean contact from the East, prior to that of Egypt is confirmed by archaeology, contrary to the popular notion that Egypt is the older culture.

Athenian societal structure:-

Here is a critically important point to the story which helps identify just who the Athenians were and from whence they came – the use of shields and spears as a style of warfare in ancient near-eastern societies is well documented in ancient artwork and archaeology and this is distinctly different from the suite of weapons introduced into the Balkan region by the Proto-Mycenaeans.

In Timaeus, Critias gives a brief account of the Atlanteans;-

One of the major stumbling blocks to resolving our understanding of the story as a whole is this particular problem. How can the island have been in front of or directly opposite the Pillars of Hercules? The answer lies, I think, in the navigational practice of following the wind as it was developed in the Mediterranean basins and wrongfully applied to conditions in the Atlantic Ocean.

The knowledge that the Middle Sea was ‘only a harbour’ when compared to the Atlantic Ocean argues for a well established geographical knowledge of the ancient world around the Mediterranean Sea and Europe. The size of the island will be discussed below.

Geographical location and influence:-

The realm and sphere of influence as described, matches extremely well, the distribution and influence of the Beaker cultures of Western Europe even to the point of inhabiting the north-western coast of Africa (Libya). At this time, various groups north of the Black Sea, dominated by warrior elites of groups such as the Corded Ware and Yamnaya cultures expanded westward with their domesticated horses, wheeled vehicles and devastating new bronze weapons creating extensive trade networks across Eurasia.

An idea of Europe being “gathered into one” might be seen as a violent expansion from the north, or perhaps crusade against the incursion into the European realm by eastern people via the Aegean Sea. Perhaps it was a war of ideology and religion; an animistic religion of a tribal or clan-like structure versus the religion of gods, kings and large highly structured, kleptocratic societies. Given the conflicts between societies of the Fertile Crescent and those of the Caucasians and Pontic regions, aka; the war between the Titans and the Gods, this looks very much like a continuation of an old enmity.

Athens, friends or foes:-

The fact that the Athenians were forced to ‘stand alone’ in the battle against Atlantis suggests that allegiances were fragile and mixed as has been the case in almost all wars recorded throughout history.

Disaster:-

The ‘Minoan’ eruption of Thera eruption in the late 17th century BCE is widely accepted as the event Plato refers to in the T&C dialogues and the description he provided would certainly be commensurate with such an event. There is much to be said on the destruction of Athens and the more knotty problem of the sinking of the island and the impenetrable barrier to the Atlantic Ocean; these topics will be dealt with more or less separately.

The next day Critias explains the order of their entertainment for Socrates.

From Critias

Time-scale, size and location

After the introductory speeches and good natured banter between the four characters Critias launches into his discourse as follows:-

The time-frame of eight and nine thousand years before the time of Solon’s alleged visit to Egypt c 600 BCE is completely irreconcilable with archaeological evidence. A more realistic picture emerges if the incredibly large numbers are divided by ten which takes us back to about 1500 BCE. In Egypt about this time, the Hyksos rulers of the Second Intermediate Period were evicted by Ahmose I who established the 18th Dynasty c 1549/1550 BCE and so began the New Kingdom. If we allow about 50 years to establish a new regime of record keeping in Saitic Egypt, this would make perfect sense in the context of the story. It is then a matter of sixty years or so back to the devastation of the Minoan Eruption of Thera at the earliest stages of the Late Bronze Age which marks the end of long-running hostilities in the Aegean. These hostilities are evidenced by the archaeology of Kolonna on the island of Aegina–in the Saronic Gulf between Attica and the Peloponnese–which shows a long sequence of destructions and the overlaying of one culture on another.

The question of how a mistranslation of these large numbers occurred is an interesting one and can be reasonably resolved by examining the ancient numbering systems on either side of the Mediterranean Sea.

Note: It can be logically argued that this conflict gave rise to the Late Bronze Age and ultimately, the rise of the Mycenaean culture.

The continuation of the relationship between the Aegean sphere and Egypt via Sais is of the utmost importance to the story.

For many commentators, the times given for the institution of Athens being the same as for the declaration of war between the Atlanteans and the Athenians creates a real problem. This might not be as incongruous as it seems. The genealogies for the rulers of Athens presented by Apollodorus suggests that they derived from the Aegean Sea and Asia Minor, therefore Athens was in all probability a mainland colony of Anatolian peoples via the Cycladic Islands whereas the Helladic peoples of the Balkan Peninsula would have been related to the northern and western folk.

An island being greater in extent than Libya and Asia tends to negate the idea of British Atlantis but I think it’s worth considering that without a modern, technology-based view of the world, ancient navigators would have relied on their perceptions. And, compared to any island in the Mediterranean Sea, Britain is huge. There are several reasons why the ancient perceptions might have been misleading. Judgement of speed and distance would have been developed in the Mediterranean Sea and the convoluted coastline of the British Isles might have given a false idea of the length of the coastline and hence the size of the Island. Alternatively, the mistranslation of large numbers within the story carried back to Greece by Solon may have distorted the supposed sizes of the island.

This passage suggests that Plato never got to finish the dialogues as he seemed intent on naming the various nations involved in the conflict but this never eventuated.

“Let us give the precedence to Athens”

The audience is told the mythical background story of how the gods divided up the earth and how Athena and her brother Hephaestos ‘produced a native race of good men and gave them suitable political arrangements’. Their descendants who survived the destruction preserved the names of the rulers of these Athenians.

The loss of writing would have to refer to a writing system that existed in the Balkan/Aegean world prior to the destruction of the late 17th century BCE and this needs to be identified. Crete had several systems on-the-go during the pre-palatial second millennium; these were Hieroglyphic and Linear-A scripts, both derived from what is known as the ‘Archanes script’. Oral traditions handed down to the Greeks of classical times when literature emerged in the works of Hesiod, Homer and the likes, were predominantly of Mycenaean origin and were almost certainly sung by bards–a tradition that still exists in isolated pockets of the Balkan Peninsula to this day.

In reference to the naming traditions inspired by the Heroic Era, Critias says…

The society described in this passage was far from egalitarian in nature and would have more in common with the large, highly structured, top-down societies of the Fertile Crescent and the largest part of Anatolia. This would be a far cry from the way in which the Caucasians and Circum-Pontic “Titanic” cultures would have conducted themselves. But ultimately it seems top-down governance was mandated by the increase of population and more intense interaction between various groups on the Greek mainland under the influence of the Mycenae.

In other words, the Athenians claimed pretty much the whole of the Attic peninsula, adjacent to the Cycladic islands.

The physical description of the region included a report on how the land had been degraded from a fertile, well-cultivated area that was once covered in thick woods, to a barren rocky landscape with all of its good soil washed into the sea.

The Acropolis

One can only try to imagine the states of mind of the various occupants of the region, but it can be assumed there would have been a good deal of reconciliation and reparation between the past protagonists as is evidenced by the cultural exchanges that took place from the early Mycenaean period. In the context of the current hypothesis, Deucalions’ flood was the third major flood after the Minoan eruption of Thera c 1620 BCE.

Given that the catastrophe occurred before the Mycenaean era, it is unlikely that any buildings on the summit of the Acropolis would have survived. There are some traces of pre-Mycenaean archaeology in a few isolated places, particularly in the vicinity of the Olympeion some distance below and to the south-east and the Cerameicos/Keramecos to the west of the Acropolis. The most prominent archaeology on the Acropolis is later than the Thera eruption and ascribed to the Mycenaean era which lasted for about 500 years.

A pre-Mycenaean Athens will be discussed at some length in an essay dedicated to the subject.

The above statement seems to suggest that the local inhabitants–the Hellenes–were quite happy under the Anatolian rulership; this of course could be seen as pure propaganda.
Twenty thousand members of the military seems extreme and is probably subject to the ten to one error in translation; two thousand might be more realistic.

If the Thera event and the destruction described by Plato were one and the same, all who lived on the hill that once covered the Acropolis would have been buried or swept away—along with their goods and chattels—in a massive mudslide. This means that any archaeology for the Middle Bronze Age of the region would best take place well below the accepted levels ascribed to ancient Athens and this is limited to about 1600 BCE when the Mycenaean influence appeared. Core samples taken in the low-lying areas of Piraeus (the port of Athens) tell an interesting story of the region before the Athens we know and love.

This process of copying and translating details of stories into local languages highlights the perils of taking ancient texts as absolutely true and correct; yet it must be acknowledged that the basic cores of the stories were in large part conscientiously maintained because it is unlikely they were considered to be fictitious; but rather would have been regarded as important stories of important events. There is also contention surrounding the existence of a written version of the story as Critias previously implied that he heard the story and learned it by heart. This question can potentially be answered in several ways and will never be absolutely resolved but this need not be an impediment to our understanding of the story.

The Island

Poseidon was almost certainly a god of seafaring people from the eastern Mediterranean or the Aegean Sea. There were two basic forms of westward migrations of Neolithic peoples from the sixth millennium BCE. Farmers and graziers spread along the Danube Valley and the Northern Plains who we recognise as the Linear Banded Cultures (LBK). More importantly for this discussion, there were the maritime traders and settlers who ventured into the western Mediterranean, eventually reaching the British Isles via France, the Atlantic coastal regions and Brittany in the late fifth – early fourth millennium about three hundred years before the continental farmers from the Rhine Valley arrived. It can logically be argued that the Impresso/Cardium Culture, worshippers of Poseidon were these first Neolithic traders and settlers from the Mediterranean.

The idea of a British Atlantis as a single island greater in extent than Libya and Asia presents a bit of a problem but there are several factors that could explain this anomaly. The statement “[l]ooking towards the sea, but in the centre of the whole island can be simply explained if we consider that during the Ice Age, glacial debris was carried down from the Scottish Highlands and deposited in the rift that is the North Channel of the Irish Sea, forming a land-bridge between Ireland and Scotland and forming the Drumlins of Ireland. When the sea level rose high enough to connect the Irish Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, the tidal scouring would have rapidly removed the finer particles leaving the rock fields that are a feature of the North Channel to this day. Given this scenario, the Irish Sea would have, in effect, been a gulf in the middle of the whole island and any settlement/’city’ could have been on a plain overlooking the sea in the centre of the island.

England is well known for its spas and hot springs, so this should not in any way negate the proposition that Britain was Plato’s Atlantis.

This is an important point that is all too often ignored or swept under the carpet because it presents too many problems of logistics and chronology, but there are important clues in the archaeology of prehistory in conjunction with ancient classical stories of the Gods, Titans and other adventuring heroes. The notion of kingship raises questions about how a hierarchical social structure came about among northern Europeans: Either it was introduced by Poseidon from the Mediterranean Sea at the beginning of the British Neolithic; or it was assumed that the later big men of the Kurgan people adopted this role.

If the five sets of twins were the symbolic representatives of provinces within the island as logic would dictate; the first born of each of the twins could represent provinces of the main part of the island headed by Atlas, and the second born of the twins would represent the provinces of the smaller part of the island headed by Eumelus. Irish mythology claims there were five ancient provinces in Ireland. If Albion (England), the main island that we recognise today was also divided into five provinces, then this would make perfect sense in the context of the story. Casting the elites or rulers of the various provinces as sets of twins and a cohort of brothers might have been a matter of expediency in the interests of peace and cooperation.

It’s a very interesting fact that the trilithons of Stonehenge comprise five sets of two standing stones connected by lintels. And since it is widely held that the standing stones of Atlantic Europe represent persons of great prestige, it is not too great a stretch to consider the trilithons as representing the ten rulers of the ten provinces of Britain.

The Wessex culture of Britain c 2050-1700 BCE became the wealthiest community in Europe; no doubt due to the rich tin resources and the extremely high quality of bronze produced on the island. The Salisbury Plain was an important sacred landscape visited by people from all over Europe. As an important part of the Beaker network, they would have enjoyed a great deal of prestige.

Resources

There can be no doubt that Critias’ description of the island could apply to Britain; ‘a green and pleasant land’. The descriptions of all the produce mentioned above can easily be understood as fruits and vegetables native to temperate Europe including England.

Metropolis

The measurements given for width and depth of the channels might be affected by the hundreds for tens mistranslation of large numbers which would make the channel thirty feet wide and ten feet deep–a much more believable size.

In Plato’s time, the Greeks were building ships up to 10m / 30ft wide, and perhaps up to 100m long, but prior to this, ships seemed to rarely exceed 5m / 15ft wide by 35m / 110?ft long and one can only assume that ships would have been smaller than this in earlier times. So, if there is any validity at all in this part of the story, the channels would have been adequate at 30ft wide. There is also a possibility that Plato’s own imaginings were at play here, based on his own world view and expectations regarding this part of the story.

In reality, the works described here, do not seem to match anything found so far in Britain. There are however, many sophisticated fortifications throughout the southern and central Iberian Peninsular dating to the third millennium BCE. Descriptions of these fortresses of trade would certainly have found their way back to the opposite end of the Mediterranean. It takes only a small leap of imagination to see how the stories of these various major works in Atlantic Europe became conflated to create the picture presented by Plato. Whether this is a description cobbled together by Plato or it was part of the story carried by Solon back to Greece from Egypt is anyone’s guess, but the Beaker culture of Britain is thought largely to have originated in Iberia which could account for how peoples of the East would have identified people as far away as the Atlantic coast.

There is a surfeit of modern reconstructions of the ‘city of Atlantis’ and so, this avenue will not be pursued further here except to demonstrate the practical affects of the hundreds for tens error in translation with regard to the geography of the plain and ‘city’.

It would be foolish to dismiss these descriptions out of hand despite the fact it seems to be on a par with the cities with ‘streets paved with gold’ stories. That being said, there are many credible ways such apparent grandeur can be explained. Rubbing or burnishing the surfaces of stonework with metallic ores could have such an effect, likewise mixing particles of metal in paint or plaster is also a possibility. Whatever the case might be, the answers are beyond certainty and in truth, do not have a great deal of impact on the over-all debate.

The description of Poseidon’s temple having a ‘strange barbaric appearance’ is a very telling point; likewise for the ‘statue’ of Poseidon touching the roof of the building. It can fairly be assumed of any ‘statue’ in western Europe during the Neolithic and early Bronze Ages that the sculpting of such an object would have looked more like a totem or spirit pole, the likes of which are evidenced from the Atlantic to the Pacific coast and on to the Americas. In fact they seem to be universal throughout the world in societies with shamanistic-like practices. Stylistically any such object would have been unimaginable to Plato and the world he inhabited; so I guess he could be forgiven for the grandiose descriptions of the temple surrounding structures. It should be said that the statue touching the roof would most likely, have been holding the roof up. Again, these conjectures do not necessarily have any great influence on the over-all discussion.

The Desmond Lee translation mentions of hot and cold springs rather than fountains which implies a natural geological phenomenon. Anyone who has been to England would be aware of the therapeutic springs available there.

Domesticated horses were not present in Atlantic Europe until about the middle of the 3rd millennium when they arrived–along with the wheel–in the west with the Bronze Age Eurasians who radically extended the trading networks across Europe.

Desmond Lee’s translation has this wall densely built up all round with houses which tends to suggest the houses were close to, or were built into the wall, not unlike many of the Bronze Age forts of Iberia. This might also be a case of images and impressions from the Atlantic region being melded together. The romance of exotic faraway places seems to engender scenes of excitement and hustle and bustle which might or might not be true; but it certainly is true that any island involved in a wide trading network would have some pretty busy ports, and this was probably the case in Bronze Age Britain.

The rest of the island

A photo-tour of the British coastlines will leave one with the impression that they are ” very lofty and precipitous on the side of the sea”. Any approach to the British Isles from the Continent or the Atlantic Ocean would be met with high cliffs giving the impression that the ‘island’ is well above sea-level. The fact that this feature rates a special mention suggests some novelty distinct from what can be seen in the Mediterranean coastlines. There are of course plenty of cliffs in the Mediterranean, particularly where the islands are concerned; but these relatively small islands must have been considered differently from the mainlands surrounding the Mediterranean, the majority of whose coastlines seem to be near sea-level with mountains forming a backdrop in the distance. This height above sea-level is no doubt due to the isostatic lifting of Britain when the over-burden of the glaciers melted away during the Holocene.

If the plain really was 555 km by 370 km it would be impossible to determine that it was surrounded by mountains because, due to the curvature of the Earth any mountains would not be visible without the aid of some very sophisticated modern equipment. If we divide these numbers by a factor of ten, we will end up with a much more credible view of the plain at roughly 55 km by 37 km. These dimensions could easily fit within several locations around the Irish Sea.

Neolithic life-ways in the British Isles was not the result of just one single event, but was introduced at various times from various locations from the Bay of Biscay to Denmark. Some of the earliest evidence for settlement is found in the north-eastern corner of Ireland and the west coast of Scotland in the Firth of Clyde area at the head of the Irish Sea; and this raises some very interesting ideas as to the location of Cleito’s home. Any glacial landfill between Scotland and Ireland would have been extremely fertile and this would account for the early agricultural settlement in this area.

Critias/Plato is very sceptical of the vastness of the plain and the works of engineering, even compared to the sophistication of the world in which he/they lived; and of course this is yet another case for a translational error concerning large numbers–so let’s look at these numbers:

The surrounding ditch was 10,000 stadia in length; this equals 1850 km or 1140 miles, which if divided by ten would be 185 km or 114 miles, dug to a depth of 10 feet by 1/10th of a stadium equivalent to 18.5 metres or 20 yards wide. Even with a 1/10th correction, this part of the description still stretches credibility to the limit. Descriptions of the straight ditches, if divided by 10 (i.e. 10 feet wide and 10 stadia apart) make a lot more sense and seem quite similar to the way in which the British field systems were configured.

Military

This section quantifying military obligations of the Atlanteans as translated by two modern scholars; namely Benjamin Jowett and Desmond Lee illustrates how easily misinterpretations can occur. Jowett gives the size of each lot/allotment as 10 stades square, which means that each lot was 100 square stades, 10 times larger than the area given by the Lee who gives each allotment as 10 square stades. The numbers as given in the Critias texts are extreme and the division of all large numbers by ten makes the situation much more believable. The identities of the combatants against Athens require a much more nuanced approach than simply coming from Atlantis. As expressed in the dialogues, there were many groups of people involved in the conflict.

Offices and honours

The following passage has been divided up and trimmed a little for the sake of brevity and in order to focus on the most relevant aspects of their nature.

These meetings during the reign of any individual king would have occurred, on average, only four to six times; so their autonomy would have been considerable and judgement of their actions, rare but perhaps adequate for keeping the peace.

Vapheio cups illustrate this scene with extraordinary accuracy and it can be noticed that the interaction between people and the bulls is radically different from the depictions of the Minoan bull leapers. Stylistically too, the craftsmanship does not look particularly Minoan despite the fact that the Mycenaeans adopted with relish, the stylings of Minoan artisans.

Woad was, and still is in certain parts of Britain, a favoured blue vegetable dye for fabrics; it was used extensively in the past by the Picts and Scots to decorate the body.

Receiving and passing judgement in the dark might have been a way of avoiding personal resentments and vendettas.

It can’t be determine if these mores were actually in place in Atlantis or were Plato’s own theories on how to conduct a peaceful, functioning society. It is beyond doubt that Plato’s views on politics and governance would have found their way into all of his dialogues and T&C would certainly have been no exception but this does not negate the basic underlying veracity of his reconstruction of history based on the stories handed down from the Mycenaean age.

The Fall: a reason for war

This passage has been divided up and trimmed a little for the sake of brevity in order to concentrate on the main reasons for the decline.

From the third millennium, the Kurgan/Yamnaya cultures from the Pontic and steppe regions began to influence and aggressively expand the existing trade networks with the introduction of the horse and wheel, and a new bronze metallurgy. It can be argued that the influences of these aggressive new traders were instrumental in introducing a venal and irreligious element to Europe. Hence, the moral decline of the Atlanteans.

I think it’s important to note that ‘the Gods’ are associated with kingship and top-down, highly structured authority which seems not to have been the case for the northern Eurasian peoples. Decentralised, competitive rough and tumble of the north must surely have been considered degenerate and undesirable by the ‘highly cultured’ people who claimed descent from the gods. Hence, the degeneration of once godly/kingly societies that existed in the far west under the tutelage of Poseidon and his representatives.

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